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Monday, 2 March 2015

Ludwig August Theodor Beck

Ludwig August Theodor Beck

Career:

Branch: Heer
Born: 29 June 1880, Nassauische Sparkasse near Biebrich, Hessen, Germany.
Died: 20 July 1944, Berlin, Germany.

Ranks:
Generaloberst
General der Infanterie
Generalleutnant
Generalmajor
Oberst
Oberstleutnant
Major
Hauptmann
Oberleutnant
Leutnant
Fähnrich

Decorations:

Commands:
Oberkommando des Heeres

Personal Information:

Ludwig August Theodor Beck was a German general and Chief of the German General Staff during the early years of the National Socialist Party in Germany before World War II.

Originally a supporter of the Nazis, Ludwig Beck broke with Adolf Hitler and eventually became a major leader within the conspiracy against Adolf Hitler. Ludwig Beck would have been provisional head of state had the 20 July plot succeeded. When the plot failed, Ludwig Beck chose to commit suicide with a pistol.

Beck's early life and career

Born in Biebrich (now a borough of Wiesbaden, Hesse) in Hessen-Nassau, Ludwig Beck was educated in the Prussian military tradition. Ludwig Beck served on the Western Front in World War I as a staff officer. After the war Ludwig Beck served in various staff and command appointments. In 1931 1932, Ludwig Beck led the group of army writers, at the Department of the Army (Truppenamt) which published the German Army Operations Manual entitled Truppenführung. The first section was promulgated in 1933 and the second section in 1934. A modified version is still in use today by the Federal German Army. Ludwig Beck was promoted to the rank of Generalleutnant in 1932 and, two years later, Ludwig Beck replaced General Wilhelm Adam as chief of the Truppenamt, the camouflaged General Staff (the Treaty of Versailles explicitly forbade the existence of the General Staff).

In National Socialist Germany

In September October 1930, Ludwig Beck was a leading defense witness at the trial in Leipzig of three junior officers, Lieutenant Richard Scheringer, Hans Friedrich Wendt and Hans Ludin. The three men were charged with membership in the National Socialist Party at that time membership in political parties was forbidden for members of the Reichswehr. The three officers admitted to National Socialist Party membership, and used as their defence the claim that the National Socialist Party membership should not be forbidden to Reichswehr personnel. When the three officers were arrested after being caught red-handed distributing National Socialist Party literature at their base, Ludwig Beck, who was the commanding officer of the 5th Artillery Regiment based in Ulm, which the three officers belonged to, was highly furious and argued that since the National Socialist Party was a force for good that Reichswehr personnel should not be banned from joining the National Socialist Party. At the preliminary hearing, Ludwig Beck spoke on behalf of the three officers. At the Leipzig trial of Ludin and Scheringer, Ludwig Beck testified as to the good character of the accused, described the National Socialist Party as a positive force in German life, and proclaimed his belief that the Reichswehr ban on National Socialist Party membership in his opinion should be rescinded. When Lieutenant Scheringer spoke of a future war in which the National Socialist Party and the Reichswehr were to fight hand in hand as brothers in a war of liberation to overthrow the Treaty of Versailles, Ludwig Beck supported Scheringer by testifying that: The Reichswehr is told daily that it is an army of leaders. What is a young officer to understand by that?. Historians such as Sir John Wheeler-Bennett have noted that Ludwig Beck was deliberately distorting Hans von Seeckt's Führerarmee (Army of leaders i.e. training soldiers to be leaders when the time came to expand the Army beyond the limits permitted by Versailles) principle by seeking to apply it to politics. During the course of the 1930 Leipzig trial, Ludwig Beck first met Adolf Hitler who also testified at the trial, and was very favourably impressed.

In 1933, upon witnessing the National Socialist Machtergreifung, Ludwig Beck wrote I have wished for years for the political revolution, and now my wishes have come true. It is the first ray of hope since 1918. In July 1934, Ludwig Beck expressed some alarm at National Socialist Party foreign policy involving Germany in a premature war, after the failed National Socialist Party putsch in Austria, leading Ludwig Beck to warn that those in leading positions must understand that foreign adventures at this time might lead to Germany being forced to make a humiliating retreat that might in Ludwig Beck's view bring about the end of National Socialist Germany. In August 1934, when following the death of President Paul von Hindenburg, and Adolf Hitler's assumption of the roles of powers of the Presidency, most notably the position of Commander-in-Chief, Ludwig Beck wrote that Adolf Hitler's move created favourable conditions for the Reichswehr.

Ludwig Beck gained respect with the publication of his tactical manual, Truppenführung. Both Ludwig Beck and General Werner von Fritsch commanded the 1st Cavalry Division, in Frankfurt an der Oder prior to assuming their command positions. During his time first as Chief of the Truppenamt (1933 1935), and then as Chief of the General Staff (1935 1938), Ludwig Beck encouraged the development of armoured forces, though not to the extent that advocates of Panzer warfare like Heinz Guderian wanted. In Ludwig Beck's conception of power politics, it was crucial to have German military power restored to its pre-1919 levels, and from the latter half of 1933, advocated a level of military spending beyond even those considered by Adolf Hitler. In Ludwig Beck's opinion, once Germany was sufficiently rearmed, the Reich should wage a series of wars that would establish Germany as Europe's foremost power, and place all of Central and Eastern Europe into the German sphere of influence.

As Chief of the General Staff, Ludwig Beck lived in a modest home in the Lichterfelde suburb of Berlin, and worked normally from 09:00 to 19:00 every day. As General Staff Chief, Ludwig Beck was widely respected for his intelligence and work ethic, but was often criticized by other officers for being too interested in administrative details. In 1934, Ludwig Beck wrote a lengthy covering letter to a long report on the British Army armour maneuvers as a way of encouraging interest in armoured warfare.In Ludwig Beck's view of the General Staff's role, the War Minister served in a mere administrative function, and the Chief of the General Staff should have been able to advise the Reich leadership directly, views that led to conflicts with the War Minister, Field Marshal Werner von Blomberg, who resented Ludwig Beck's efforts to diminish his powers. In 1936, Ludwig Beck strongly supported Adolf Hitler during the remilitarization of the Rhineland against Werner von Blomberg, who feared the French reaction to such a move. By the end of 1937 and the beginning of 1938, Ludwig Beck had come into increasing conflict with other officers over the place and importance of the General Staff in the German military hierarchy, in which Ludwig Beck wished to have all of the important decision-making moved into the arms of the General Staff.


Starting in the mid-1930s, Ludwig Beck created his own intelligence network comprising German military attaches, which Ludwig Beck used both to collect information, and to leak information. Besides military attaches, Ludwig Beck also recruited civilians for his private intelligence network, of which the most notable volunteer was Carl Goerdeler.

In May 1937, Ludwig Beck refused an order to draw up orders for executing Fall Otto (Case Otto), the German plan for an invasion of Austria under the grounds that such a move might cause a world war before Germany was ready for such a war. During the Anschluss of February March 1938, once Ludwig Beck was convinced that no war would result from a move against Austria, Ludwig Beck swiftly drew up the orders for Fall Otto. In Ludwig Beck's conception of power politics, war was a necessary part of restoring Germany to Great Power status provided that these wars were limited in scope and Germany possessed sufficient strength and had sufficiently strong allies.

During the Werner von Blomberg-Werner von Fritsch Crisis of early 1938, Ludwig Beck saw a chance to reassert the interests and power of the Army against what Ludwig Beck regarded as the excessive power of the SS.The ending of the crisis in favor of the SS left Ludwig Beck somewhat disillusioned.

Beck's conflict with Adolf Hitler

Ludwig Beck resented Adolf Hitler for his efforts to curb the army's position of influence. Ludwig Beck tried very early as Chief of the General Staff to deter Adolf Hitler from using the grievances of the Sudetenland region of Czechoslovakia, the population of which was mostly ethnic-German, as an excuse for war against the latter state in 1938.

Ludwig Beck had no moral objection to the idea of war of aggression to eliminate Czechoslovakia as a state. In 1935, Ludwig Beck had a series of meetings with Prince Bernard von Bülow, the State Secretary of the German Foreign Office and the Chief of the Hungarian General Staff to discuss plans for the division of Czechoslovakia. On 12 November 1937, Ludwig Beck submitted a memorandum stating that various facts show the requirement for an imminent solution by force of the problem of Czechoslovakia and that it was desirable to start preparing the political ground among those powers which stood on our side or who were not against us, and that the military discussion in either the one case or the other should begin at once.

However, Ludwig Beck felt that Germany needed more time to rearm before starting such a war. In Ludwig Beck's assessment, the earliest date Germany could risk a war was 1940, and any war started in 1938 would be a premature war that Germany would lose. In the Hossbach Memorandum of 1937, Adolf Hitler had expressed his belief that Britain and France would not intervene in the event of German aggression against Austria and Czechoslovakia, a conviction strengthened by the Anschluss earlier in the year, and they would not stand in his way if Ludwig Beck should try again to enlarge the Reich. Ludwig Beck, however, believed that the French would honor the terms of the Franco-Czechoslovak alliance of 1924, and that, should France go to war with Germany, Britain would then almost certainly enter the war on the Allied side. Ludwig Beck also felt that Germany did not have the raw materials to fight a European war.

While most of the generals felt the idea of starting a war in 1938 was highly risky, none of them would confront Adolf Hitler with a refusal to carry out orders, since the majority opinion was that Ludwig Beck's arguments against war in 1938 were flawed. From May 1938, Ludwig Beck had bombarded Adolf Hitler, Wilhelm Keitel and Walther von Brauchitsch with memoranda opposing Fall Grün (Case Green), the plan for a war with Czechoslovakia. In the first of his memos, on 5 May 1938, Ludwig Beck argued that the Sino-Japanese War meant Japan would be unable to come to Germany's aid, that the French Army was the best fighting force in Europe, and that Britain was certain to intervene on the side of France should Germany attack Czechoslovakia. In his May memo, Ludwig Beck argued that Adolf Hitler's assumptions about France, made in the Hossbach Memorandum of 1937, were mistaken, and stated his belief that France wishes for peace or, perhaps more accurately, abhors a new war, but that in case of a real threat, or what is perceived by the people to be foreign policy pressure, the French nation comes together as if one. Ludwig Beck stated in the same memo that Adolf Hitler was wrong about France being on the verge of civil war and that, in the event of a German threat to Czechoslovakia, the French would see such a threat as a question of honour...for which a strong government will have no difficulty pulling itself together. Ludwig Beck stated his belief that The French army is and remains intact and is at the moment the strongest in Europe. Ludwig Beck ended his memo with the comments that: The military-economic situation of Germany is bad, worse than in 1917 1918. In its current military, military-political and military-economic condition, Germany cannot expose itself to the risk of a long war. The May Crisis of May 21 22, 1938 further convinced Ludwig Beck of the dangers of going to war in 1938, and led him to increase his efforts to stop a war that Ludwig Beck felt Germany could not win. In November 1938, Ludwig Beck informed a friend that, from the time of the May Crisis, the only consideration in his mind was How can I prevent a war?.

On 22 May 1938, Adolf Hitler stated that, though he had deep respect for Ludwig Beck for his pro-National Socialist testimony at the Ulm trial of 1930, his views were too much that of a Reichswehr general, and not enough of a Wehrmacht general.Adolf Hitler commented that Ludwig Beck was one of the officers still imprisoned in the idea of the hundred-thousand-man army. On 28 May 1938, Ludwig Beck had a meeting with Adolf Hitler, the Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop, Admiral Erich Raeder, Hermann Göring, Wilhelm Keitel, and Walther von Brauchitsch, during which Adolf Hitler restated the views he had first expressed in the Hossbach Memorandum. In response, Ludwig Beck drafted another memo on May 29, in which Ludwig Beck presented a case that the Czechoslovak Army was not, as Adolf Hitler argued, a weak force, and that a limited regional war in Central Europe was not a realistic possibility. In the same memo of 29 May, Ludwig Beck proclaimed his agreement with Adolf Hitler's views about the necessity of acquiring Lebensraum in Eastern Europe, called the existence of Czechoslovakia intolerable, and concluded that a way must be found to eliminate it (Czechoslovakia) as a threat to Germany, even, if necessary, by war. However, Ludwig Beck argued that Germany was not strong enough to fight the general war that would result from an attack on Czechoslovakia in 1938, and urged Adolf Hitler to avoid a premature war. In particular, Ludwig Beck argued that It is not accurate to judge Germany today as stronger than in 1914, and Ludwig Beck presented a detailed military case that more time was needed before the Wehrmacht would be as strong as the Army of 1914. Furthermore, Ludwig Beck contended that he could not accept these estimates of the military power of France and England...Germany, whether alone or in alliance with Italy, is not in a position militarily to match England or France.

At first, Ludwig Beck felt that Adolf Hitler's rush to war in 1938 was not caused by the Führer's personality, but was rather caused by Adolf Hitler receiving poor military advice, especially from Wilhelm Keitel. As a result, Ludwig Beck spent much of his time urging a reorganization of the command structure, so that Adolf Hitler would receive his advice from the General Staff, and presumably abandon his plans for aggression. In one of his memos opposing war in 1938, Ludwig Beck commented: Once again, the comments of the Führer demonstrate the complete inadequacy of the current top military-advisory hierarchy. What is needed is continual, competent advising of the commander-in-chief of the Wehrmacht on questions of war leadership and above all on weapons of war, with clear delineation of responsibilities. If steps are not taken soon to produce a change in conditions, which have grown intolerable if the current anarchy becomes a permanent condition then the future destiny of the Wehrmacht in peace and war, indeed the destiny of Germany in a future war, must be painted in the blackest of colors. Only in June 1938 did Ludwig Beck realize that it was Adolf Hitler who was behind the drive for war, and, in a memo to Walther von Brauchitsch, urge that all of the senior officers threaten a mass collective resignation to force Adolf Hitler to abandon his plans for Fall Grün in 1938. Ludwig Beck ended his appeal to Walther von Brauchitsch.

Now at stake are final decisions regarding the fate of the nation. History will burden those leaders with blood guilt if they do not act according to their professional and statesmanly principles and knowledge. Their soldierly loyalty must end at the boundary where their knowledge, conscience, and sense of responsibility forbid the execution of an order. In case their advice and warnings fall on deaf ears in such circumstances, then they have the right and the duty, before the people and history, to resign their offices. If they all act together, then it will be impossible to carry out military action. They will thereby save the Fatherland from the worst, from total ruin. If a soldier in a position of highest authority in such times see his duties and tasks only within the limits of his military responsibilities, without consciousness of his higher responsibility to the whole people, then he shows a lack of greatness, a lack of comprehension of responsibility. Extraordinary times demand extraordinary actions!

On 16 July 1938, Ludwig Beck wrote a memo stating that the Army might have to resolve unspecified internal political problems. Ludwig Beck's campaign for a mass resignation was not aimed at the overthrow of Adolf Hitler, but was rather intended to persuade Adolf Hitler to abandon his plans for war in 1938, and to purge certain radical elements from the National Socialist Party, who Ludwig Beck believed to have a negative influence on Adolf Hitler. Together with the Abwehr chief, Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, and the German Foreign Office's State Secretary, Baron Ernst von Weizsäcker, Ludwig Beck was a leader of the anti-war group in the German government, which was determined to avoid a war in 1938 that it felt Germany would lose. This group was not necessarily committed to the overthrow of the regime, but was loosely allied to another, more radical group, the anti-National Socialist fraction centered around Colonel Hans Oster and Hans Bernd Gisevius, which wanted to use the crisis as an excuse for executing a putsch to overthrow the National Socialists. The divergent aims between these two factions produced considerable tensions.

In a June 1938 Generalstabsreise (General Staff study), Ludwig Beck concluded that Germany could defeat Czechoslovakia, but that to do so would leave western Germany empty of troops, thus potentially allowing the French to seize the Rhineland with little difficulty. Ludwig Beck maintained that Czechoslovak defences were very formidable, that Prague could mobilize at least 38 divisions, and that at least 30 German divisions would be needed to break through, requiring at a minimum a three week-long campaign. Ludwig Beck concluded that Adolf Hitler's assumptions about a limited war in 1938 were mistaken, and that he felt as fateful, the military action against Czechoslovakia, planned on the basis of these military premises, and must explicitly disavow any responsibility of the general staff of the Army for such action.In July 1938, upon being shown Ludwig Beck's 5 May 1938 memo opposing Fall Grün by Walther von Brauchitsch, Adolf Hitler called Ludwig Beck's arguments kindische Kräfteberechnungen (childish calculations). In another memo of July 1938, Ludwig Beck contended that a war with Czechoslovakia, France and Britain could only end in Germany's defeat, and urged Adolf Hitler to postpone his plans for aggression until such a time as Germany was strong enough for such a war. In late July 1938, Erich von Manstein, a leading protégé of Ludwig Beck's, wrote to his mentor urging him to stay at his post, and place his faith in Adolf Hitler. On 29 July, Ludwig Beck wrote a memo stating the German Army had the duty to prepare for possible wars with foreign enemies and for an internal conflict which need only take place in Berlin. The July 29 memo is normally considered the start of Ludwig Becks efforts to overthrow the National Socialist Party.

At the beginning of August 1938, Ludwig Beck wrote a speech for Walther von Brauchitsch to read before Adolf Hitler stating the Army's opposition to the premature war likely to be triggered by Fall Grün, which, however, Walther von Brauchitsch chose not to deliver. In August 1938, Ludwig Beck suggested to General Walther von Brauchitsch that a house-cleaning of the National Socialist Party was necessary, under which the influence of the SS be reduced, but Adolf Hitler would continue as dictator. At an 10 August summit the leading generals of the Reich, Adolf Hitler spent much of the time attacking Ludwig Beck's arguments against Fall Grün, and won the majority of the generals over. Colonel General Ludwig Beck resigned alone on 18 August, and left office on 27 August. Ludwig Beck was replaced, as head of the General Staff, by General Franz Halder. At Adolf Hitler's request, Ludwig Beck kept his resignation secret, and thus nullified the protest value of his resignation. Adolf Hitler promised Ludwig Beck that if he kept his resignation secret, he would be rewarded with a major field command, and Ludwig Beck was much disillusioned when he was instead put on the retired list. Ludwig Beck ceased to have any meaningful influence on German military affairs, and increasingly came to rely upon contacts with the British in the hope that London would successfully exert its influence on Adolf Hitler, where he had failed to, through threats and warnings.

His opposition to Adolf Hitler brought him in contact with a small number of senior officers intent on deposing the dictator. Some of them, including Carl Goerdeler and Ulrich von Hassell, would take part in the July 20 plot in 1944.

Ludwig Beck and his conspirators knew that Germany faced certain and rapid defeat if France and Great Britain came to the Czechs' aid in 1938. Accordingly, they contacted the British Foreign Office, informed Britain of their plot, and asked for a firm British warning to deter Adolf Hitler from attacking Czechoslovakia. In September 1938, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, French President Édouard Daladier and Italian dictator Benito Mussolini signed the Munich Agreement, compelling Czechoslovakia to give up the Sudetenland, which put an end to the crisis, and hence Ludwig Beck's efforts at a putsch.

In the autumn of 1939, Ludwig Beck was in contact with certain Germany Army officers, politicians, and civil servants, including General Franz Halder, Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, Carl Goerdeler, Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, and Colonel Hans Oster about the possibility of staging a putsch to overthrow the National Socialist Party. By this time, Ludwig Beck had come to accept that it was not possible to overthrow the National Socialist Party while keeping Adolf Hitler in power. In the event of the putsch being successful, Germany was to be governed by a triumvirate of Ludwig Beck, Goerdeler and Schacht who would negotiate a peace with Britain and France that would allow Germany to keep most of the National Socialist conquests made up until that time, including Austria, all of western Poland, and the Reich Protectorate of Bohemia-Moravia. In January February 1940, a series of meetings between Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Hassell and Johannes Popitz produced agreement that when the National Socialist Party was overthrown that Ludwig Beck was to head the Council of Regency that would govern Germany. In 1940 1941, Ludwig Beck spent much time discussing together with Goerdeler, Hassell, and Erwin von Witzleben certain aspects of the new proposed state after the successful overthrowing of the National Socialist Party.

Beck's involvement with the 20 July plot

In 1943, Ludwig Beck planned two abortive attempts to kill Adolf Hitler by means of a bomb. In May 1944, a memorandum by Field Marshal Erwin Rommel made it clear that his participation in the proposed putsch was based on the precondition that Ludwig Beck serve as the head of state in the new government. In 1944, Ludwig Beck was one of the driving forces of the 20 July plot with Carl Goerdeler and Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg. It was proposed that Ludwig Beck would become the head of the provisional government that would assume power in Germany after Adolf Hitler had been eliminated. The plot failed, however, and by the next morning according to the account by Fabian von Schlabrendorff Ludwig Beck was in the custody of General Friedrich Fromm, and Ludwig Beck offered to commit suicide (accept the consequences). His last words were I am thinking of earlier times. Ludwig Beck then shot himself. In severe distress, Ludwig Beck succeeded only in severely wounding himself, and a sergeant was brought in to administer the coup de grâce by shooting Ludwig Beck in the back of the neck.

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